and Washington were out-manoeuvred and, faced with the sudden
collapse of Mikoiajczyk, had willy-nilly to accept the fait accompli and
express themselves agreeable to this solution. The entire story was a
repetition, stage by stage, of the tactics by which the Kremlin had achieved
the elimination of the Royal Government of Yugoslavia. Subasich was
persuaded to enter Tito's Government, a move which in no way affected
the latter's policy., and, under the pretext of there being as a resUt a
united Yugoslavian Government,, Great Britain had abandoned King
Peter. In the case of Yugoslavia a lack of unity v/as certainly most marked
in that composite State, and Tito had definite grounds on which to lay
claim to a number of supporters to his flag. No such claim, however,
could be forwarded by the c Lublin Committee '—the attitude of those
Poles liberated by the Anglo-American Forces in Germany proved
which persons the Polish people regarded as the genuine representatives
of their country.
Thus with the American and British Governments' recognition of the
Comintern agents as representatives of the enslaved Polish nation, the
necessaiy camouflage for one of the greatest blackmails in history was
created. The e Lublin Committee ' was preserved in its entirety. A few
democrats worn down by one process or the other (men such as
Kiernik and Wycech by sojourn in the Russian prison) into complete
submission, were dragged into this Committee. Those few found them-
selves members of a large Cabinet in which the other three-quarters
consisted of Comintern agents. Mikclajczyk before whom for the past
year had been dangled the post of Premier, v/as appointed as one of the
Vice-Premiers and Minister of Agriculture. The other democrats were
respectively Minister of Labour, Health and Culture, offices which carried
no possibility of any political influence—the holders of the two latter
positions were already in the c Lublin Government,' and Mikolajczyk
now agreed to recognise them as £ representatives ' of the Peasant Party.
The c Lublin Committee,5 in its new edition, did not include any Polish
political party apart from a section of the Peasant Party, whose real
leaders, except for the aged Wincenty Witos, were in the Soviet prisons.
The Socialist Party, so important in Poland's political life, was represented
by Comintern agents such as Osubka. Bierut, a Russian citizen, remained
head of the State, and source of authority as the Chairman of the National
Council to which some of the eminent citizens of Poland were to be e in-
vited ' to join.
" The agreement to form a Polish Provisional Government in Moscow/'
commented Dziennik Polski in London, " has struck the greatest blow the
Polish Democratic Movement has ever received. But this Movement will
not break under it ... The Tsarist persecutions during the three-fold
partitions and the Gestapo during the German occupation could not break
it. On the contrary, it developed and hardened in the Underground.
An accusation has been directed, under the banner of independence and
democracy, against the people and the traditional political currents operating